Thursday, May 7, 2020

Luther's Theology


 “Unless I am convinced by proof from Scriptures or by plain and clear reasons and arguments, I can and I will not retract, for it is neither safe nor wise to do anything against conscience. Here I stand, I can do no other. God help me. Amen.” Martin Luther (The Diet of Worms, 1521)

Martin Luther early life: Luther was born on November 10, 1483 in Eisleben in the county of Mansfield in northern Germany. Luther’s father, Hans, was the son of a Thuringian peasant, a free peasant. Martin Luther’s earliest childhood education took place in the Latin school at Mansfeld. There and at home he received a religious education in the late-medieval Catholic teachings that were typical of the times. These included the belief in Mary and the saints, current popular superstitions and beliefs in personal devils and witches, as well as the popular visits to religious shrines.[1]
In 1501 Martin Luther’s father sent him to the University of Erfurt for the purpose of studying for a legal career. The city of Erfurt was the most important commercial center in Thuringia, with a population of about 20,000 inhabitants. The burghers of the city had founded their own university and demonstrated their piety by constructing so many churches and other religious buildings that the inhabitants called Erfurt the little Rome. Almost every Catholic monastic order was represented there.[2]
The Thunderstorm Experience: In May of 1505 Luther registered as a law student in the university, though he was apparently never happy with his decision. In July of the same year he became frightened when he was caught in a severe thunderstorm and was thrown to the ground by a flash of lightning. Luther called upon St. Anne and vowed that he would become a monk if his life were spared. Two weeks later Luther entered a monastery of the Augustinian order at Erfurt.

Sale of Indulgences and the 95 Theses: In 1517 Johann Tetzel came into Saxony near Wittenberg selling indulgences on behalf of Archbishop Albert of Mainz. Pope Julius II had inaugurated a plenary Jubilee Indulgence to obtain funds for rebuilding the basilica of St. Peter’s Cathedral in Rome, and the indulgence was revived by Pope Leo X. A special arrangement was made with the archbishop, who needed money to obtain the archbishoprics of Mainz and Magdeburg and the bishopric of Halberstadt. Half of the money raised by the sale of the indulgences was to go to repay the loan from bankers to the archbishop, and the other half was to go to the pope to help pay for the cathedral. Tetzel claimed that the indulgence gave complete forgiveness of all sin. Luther decided to make a public protest to these abuses.[3]

Luther arguments and his assertion (1) the pope exercises his authority by human, not divine, right and was therefore not infallible; (2) the church of Rome was not supreme over the other churches; (3) the church of Christ was a spiritual communion of saints; (4) church councils could and did err because they were composed of erring men and did not exist by divine right; and (5) Scripture was the ultimate, divine authority in all matters pertaining to religion (sola scriptura). In addition to these assertions, Luther was forced by the clever Eck into admitting the validity of many of John Hus’s ideas.[4]

God and Revelation: Paul Althaus wrote that Luther’s “theology of the cross permeated all of Luther’s theological thinking.” He developed his theology of the cross early in his career. Luther prepared 28 Theses for the Heidelberg Disputation of 1518, just a few months after posting the ninety-five theses, and in these theses we find his earliest and most articulate expression of the term. During these years Luther struggled with trying to find a gracious God with whom he could stand in a justified relationship. He wanted to be assured of his right standing before God, but found the traditional approach in medieval Catholicism to be unsatisfactory. Luther came to emphasize the apprehension of God in the suffering and lowliness of the cross in contrast to the apprehension of God on the basis of the visible created world.[5]
The late medieval church, influenced by such theologians as Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas, emphasized natural theology. According to these ideas, God revealed Himself in numerous ways, including human reason, and there were numerous ways to access the grace of God.
In the Heidelberg Disputation, Luther called any theology not based on the cross a “theology of glory.” He said, “a theologian of glory calls evil good and good evil. A theologian of the cross calls the thing was it actually is.” Luther believed that any theology based on anything apart from the cross misinterpreted the truth. It was wrong, Luther argued, for so-called theologians “to look upon the invisible things of God as though they were clearly perceptible in those things which have already happened.”  Instead, true knowledge of God came by His self-revelation in Christ. While Luther acknowledged that God had revealed Himself in nature, he did not think this led people to God. Because humanity is in a depraved state of alienation from God, man could not come to know God fully in this way.[6]
Luther used Exodus 33:18-23, to say that like Moses of old, man could only perceive the backside of God. God always remains a hidden God, both in His transcendence and in His revelation. Only in the cross did God reveal His true character. By Christ’s suffering, God revealed Himself as a God who loved human being and wished to show mercy to them. The message of the cross revealed the depths of human sin and condemnation. Thus one could only come to true knowledge of God by means of this judgment. Luther asserted that “man must utterly despair of his own ability before he is prepared to receive the grace of Christ.”[7]

Luther’s View of Justification: The central doctrinal principle for Luther was that justification is by grace through faith. “Through faith” did not mean a means for apprehending grace but a mode of living by and in the power of God’s grace. In a 1519 sermon entitled “Two Kinds of Righteousness,” Luther distinguishes between what he calls “alien righteousness” and our “proper righteousness.” By alien righteousness Luther means “the righteousness of another, instilled from without. This is the righteousness of Christ by which he justifies us through faith...” Citing Romans 1:17, “For in it the righteousness of God is revealed from faith to faith; as it is written, ‘But the righteous human shall live by faith’,” Luther asserts that “Through faith in Christ, therefore, Christ’s righteousness becomes our righteousness and all that he has becomes ours; rather, he himself becomes ours.” Luther’s concept ruled out every attempt to justify or acquit oneself before God. One was made acceptable before God in the lively apprehension of God’s word of love and mercy. This conclusion brought to an end for Luther any religious attempt to justify himself before God in terms of the prescribed combination of sacraments and works as found in Catholicism. The first slogan of Luther’s reformation was sola fide, “faith alone.”[8]

Church in Luther's Definition: Luther’s view of Church is not a hierarchical, institutional system but a community or a people gathered around, under the word of God. He said, “Thank God, a seven year old child knows what the Church is, namely, holy believers and sheep who hear the voices of their shepherd”. These words of Luther provide a concise and apt synthesis of his ecclesiology. Only these two elements enter into the definition of Church: the congregation of believers (sheep that listen) and the word of God (the voice of their shepherd). The elements Luther excluded from the definition are also meaningful. The definition that appeared in the Smalcald Articles explicitly rejected ecclesiastical ceremonies and liturgical symbols as constitutive of the Church. Also excluded were institutional elements except the “congregation” or coming together of believers and the predominance of an ecclesiastical hierarchy. According to Luther, the point of departure of defining the Church was not general, universal organization but rather the local community. And even in this definition of 1537, dated twenty years after the Reformation began; there was no sign of denominational confessionalism.[9] 

The key element of Luther's ecclesiology is his understanding of the church as the people of God. Or the congregation of saints: “We shall this time confine ourselves simply to the children’s Creed, which says, “I believe in one holy Christian Church, the communion of saints." Here the creed clearly indicates what the church is namely a communion of saints that is, a crowd or assembly of people who are Christians and holy, which is called a Christian holy assembly, or Church....Church is nothing but an assembly of people, though they probably were heathens and not Christians. Now there are many peoples in the world; the Christians however, are a people with special call and therefore called not just ecclesia, “Church” or “People”, but Sancta Catholics Christiana... Thus the “Holy Christian Church” is synonymous with “holy Christendom" or “whole Christendom”. The Old Testament uses the term “God's People”. For Luther, the church was originally and fundamentally the community of those who shared faith in Christ. “Community” is the New Testament term, which is called “people of God” in the Old Testament. The Church comprises God’s people, Luther contented, not the pastors, the bishops, or the pope: “... the pope is not the people much less a holy Christian people. So too bishops, priests, and monks are not holy, Christian people...” Where there was only one baptism, only one gospel, only one people there too all were Christians, all equal priests. For Luther the Church is the child of the Gospel. It is brought forth and shaped by the word of God. Without it, the community would be a community, but not the Christian and holy community; a people but not the people of God. Luther distinguished between the internal (invisible) and the external (visible) Church. 
The Church is the creature of the word of God and the Church as human organization, the Church as an object of faith and the manifestations of faith. In the explanation of apostle’s creed, once more we note Luther’s strong criticism against institutionalism. For what is believed is neither physical nor visible. All of us can see the external Roman Church. That is why it cannot be the true church, which is believed and which is a community or assembly of saints in faith. but no one can see who is holy or who believes.[10]
The church is the place of healing. Luther frequently admonished the community to love those in need and to protect the vulnerable. Church is the body of Christ in this world. In this way, in all instability and in love, the Church is an instrument that battles against evil. Political duties must be exercised by Christians on behalf of the well-being of the people.

Sacraments: Luther understands sacraments as Christ’s promises;  more specifically he sees them as “bodily words” (leibliches Wort). This refers to the Augustinian definition of the sacrament: the word comes to the element and so there is a sacrament (accedit verbum ad elementum et fit sacramentum). Sacraments are instituted by Christ and communicate grace to those who receive them in faith. It is necessary that there is a command to perform them (“Do this for the remembrance of me”) and a promise (“This is my body given for you”) and a clearly identifiable material element. For Luther, not all seven traditional sacraments meet these requirements. Thus Luther speaks of two or three sacraments: baptism (together with penance) and the Lord’s Supper. But Luther is aware that the term “mysterion” – the Greek equivalent to the Latin “sacramentum” – is not used in the New Testament in order to denote those events that are traditionally called “sacraments.” Thus there is a certain flexibility to define the term “sacramentum.”

Baptism: Christ’s promise in baptism is that the baptized belongs to him as God’s child and is saved eternally. This promise is received only in faith in this promise. If a baptized person does not believe in the promise of baptism, he or she contradicts the reality that is created by that promise and denies his or her salvation. Nevertheless, even by unbelief or sin the promise of Christ given in baptism is not destroyed. Thus any re-baptism would seriously violate Christ’s faithfulness and trustworthiness. A traditional image explained that baptism was the ship that brought people safely through the sea of disaster, but that in the case of a mortal sin the ship wrecked while penance remained as a plank by which people could save their lives. Luther changed the image by claiming that the ship would not break into pieces from sin; rather the sinner falls from the ship but would be called to enter the ship again by faith in the promise of baptism. This faith included for Luther recognition of and contrition for one’s sin. Thus penance is closely connected to baptism, and often baptism and penance are seen as one sacrament. The promise of baptism is given by word and water at a certain moment in a person’s life, but it extends over and includes the whole life of the baptized. The baptized are called during their whole life to return to baptism and its promise: by recognition of their sins, by contrition and repentance, by faith in and gratefulness for Christ’s mercy.[11]
By baptism, human beings are at the same time brought into union with Christ and are incorporated into the Church. Therefore baptism creates the common Christian reality of the spiritual estate to which all baptized belong by baptism. Thus there is no separation of two Christian estates, the lay and the consecrated; rather there is one spiritual estate, Luther’s understanding of baptism leads him to deny the medieval division of society into these two groups. Baptism aims at the faith of the baptized, and through faith constitutes the union with Christ by which the Christian – as bride – participates in the possessions and qualities of Christ – as bridegroom. Since Christ is priest and king, the baptized also participate in Christ’s priesthood and kingship. Thus one has to state, “Every baptized person is a priest,” and “every baptized person is a king.” It is clear that the words “priest” and “king” receive a new “metaphorical” meaning when used in these two sentences. This meaning is not improper; it is a new meaning whose content is not easy to explain. Christ as priest brings God’s concerns to human beings and brings their concerns to God, and he is offering his life to God. Accordingly, the Christian as priest will have to bring other human beings’ concerns to God (prayer) and God’s concern to human beings (communication of the Gospel), and he or she will give his or her life to God in obedience to his will and in lifelong repentance. There will still be differences of ministry that are instituted by God, but these differences do not deny the reality of one spiritual estate created by baptism.

Lord’s Supper: It is understood from the reality of a testament the promise of someone who is about to die of which the Latin version of the words of institution speaks. Initially, Luther understood Christ’s promise (testamentum) as promising grace and forgiveness of sins, but in the debate with Huldrych Zwingli he developed this understanding and came to emphasize that Christ gives himself, his body and blood that are really present. It is not faith that makes Christ present; it is Christ who gives himself, his body and blood, to the communicants, whether or not they believe this. Christ’s body and blood are present “in, with and under” the species of bread and wine. There is an exchange of properties (communicatio idiomatum) between Christ’s body and blood on the one hand and bread and wine on the other hand so that there is a sacramental union between bread and Christ’ s body and between wine and Christ’s blood. It is not only a “consubstantiation” but rather an exchange of properties that creates a new type of union in analogy to the union in Christ.[12]
There were some area of conflict between Luther and his opponents with respect to the Lord’s Supper.
 Luther was critical of the fact that it was forbidden for lay people to receive communion under both species, bread and wine. Luther did not argue that in such a celebration lay people would only receive half of Christ. They would indeed receive the whole or full Christ. But Luther denied that the church had the competence to withdraw the species of the wine from the laity. In the words of institution one reads clearly, “Take and drink all of it.” (Matthew 26:27) Luther found that the church government arrogates a competence to itself that is contrary to the Gospel itself.[13]
The other area of conflict has to do with the problem of how to grasp conceptually what the “change” in the Lord’s Supper would mean. The fourth Lateran Council used the verb “transubstantiare” which implies (or seems to imply) Aristotle’s distinction between substance and accidents. For Luther, this explanation was one possibility to explain what happens in the Eucharist, but he could not see how these philosophical concepts and distinctions could be made binding for all Christians.
Conclusion: As we have seen in the above theology of Luther, Luther‘s Reformation theology is a complete system with unity and depth, and it stands against the trends of medieval theology as a whole, not simply in particular Doctrines. It is also a strong contextual and relevant theology of His time. It is the people’s theology. Luther had no intention to start a new denomination or church, but the process of deconstruction that had went through the reformation, had gone beyond the recovery of the R. Catholic Church, to bring back everything as before. The institutionalized system of the Medieval Christian religion was over turn when Martin Luther stood against the powerful Papacy all alone. Saying “…, Here I stand, I can do no other. God help me”


                [1] Betram Lee Woolf, Reformation Writings of Martin Luther (London: Lutterworth Press, 1952), 2-3.
                [2] H. S. Wilson, The Speaking God: Luther’s Theology of Preaching (Madras: UELCI, ‘Luther House’,1982), 3-5.
                [3] Betram Lee Woolf, Reformation Writings…, 9-10.
                [4] Betram Lee Woolf, Reformation Writings…, 11-12.
                [5] H. S. Wilson, The Speaking God: Luther’s Theology…, 20.
                [6] Betram Lee Woolf, Reformation Writings…, 21.
                [7] H. S. Wilson, The Speaking God: Luther’s Theology…, 25.
                [8] Althaus Paul, The Theology of Martin Luther  (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), 25.
                [9] Althaus Paul, The Theology of Martin Luther…, 38.
                [10] Santhosh J. Sahayadoss, Martin Luther on social and political issues: His Relevance for Church and Society in India (Berlin: Peter Lang, 2006), 34-37.
                [11] Althaus Paul, The Theology of Martin Luther…, 31.
                [12] Althaus Paul, The Theology of Martin Luther … 35.
                [13] Santhosh J. Sahayadoss, Martin Luther on social… 42.

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